Tharu Tribe’s Discontent with Nitish Kumar’s Political Shifts and Policies
Ever since Nitish Kumar became the Chief Minister of Bihar in 2005, he has launched numerous development projects for the Terai region, allocating funds worth crores. However, his frequent political flip-flops to retain power and the imposition of prohibition have frustrated the Tharu voters across all age groups in this election season.
Nestled in the foothills of the Himalayas, far from the corridors of power in the Patna Secretariat, lies Valmikinagar, also known as Tharuhat. This area is home to the Tharu tribes, who reside in the Terai region along the Indo-Nepal border. With around 300 villages spread across the 900-square-kilometer Valmikinagar Tiger Reserve in Bihar’s West Champaran district, the Tharus number approximately 300,000. Many of them live as forest dwellers, while some also practice agriculture. Formally recognized as a Scheduled Tribe in May 2003, the Tharu community is believed to have derived its name from Theravada Buddhism and considers itself descendants of the Buddha.
Despite Nitish Kumar’s efforts to bring development to the region, his inconsistent political stance and policies have left the Tharu community disillusioned. Ghanshayam Rai, a vendor at the bi-weekly Friday market in Valmikinagar, voiced his frustration: “We will not vote for Nitish Kumar. He is a turncoat and has imposed prohibition on us.” Another vendor, Gautam Mahto, echoed this sentiment, stating, “Alcohol and Tharu cannot be separated. Some Tharus might vote for the RJD candidate, but not for Nitish Kumar’s candidate this time.”
The imposition of prohibition has been particularly contentious. For many in the Tharu community, alcohol is an integral part of their social and cultural practices. Nitish Kumar’s prohibition policy, aimed at curbing alcohol consumption, has been seen as an encroachment on their lifestyle. This has led to widespread resentment, particularly among the men who frequent local markets and gatherings where alcohol was traditionally consumed.
In Kanbhushari village, located in the Bagaha-2 block, the dissatisfaction is palpable. This village, like many others in the region, has seen a significant out-migration of young Tharu men to states like Gujarat, Punjab, Maharashtra, and Haryana in search of better livelihood opportunities. Satyanarayan Mahto, 60, and Ramchandra Mahto, 62, both expressed their intent to vote for the BJP instead of Nitish Kumar’s candidate. When reminded that Nitish Kumar is an ally of the BJP, Satyanarayan retorted, “What to do? Nitish is a compulsion, but Modi is a necessity.”
This sentiment reflects a broader trend among the Tharu electorate. Many feel that while they may be compelled to support Nitish Kumar due to his political alliances, their true allegiance lies with Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The perception is that Modi’s leadership brings necessary development and stability, whereas Nitish Kumar’s frequent political shifts are seen as self-serving and opportunistic.
Tharu women, however, are more reserved in expressing their political preferences. Sharda Devi, 56, from Kanbhushari, stated, “We will decide on polling day,” indicating that their decision might be influenced by discussions closer to the election date. Pramila Devi, 28, provided a more cryptic response, suggesting that there is an underlying consensus among the women that might not be immediately apparent to outsiders.
In the bustling village of Harnatand, the younger generation of Tharu voters, who are often seen as more fashionable and aspirational, also shares a sense of disillusionment with Nitish Kumar. Champapur Bazaar, a hub of activity and commerce, reflects the sentiments of these first-time voters. They are critical of Nitish Kumar’s transformation from being known as ‘Sushasan Babu’ (Good Governance Man) to what they now derisively call ‘Kursi Kumar’ (Chair Kumar), accusing him of changing political loyalties merely to remain in power. “We’ll vote for anyone but not Nitish Kumar’s candidate,” declared Ghanshyam Rai. “Who knows if he makes another switch after winning the seat? We’ll be embarrassed again.”
The frustration among the Tharu community is multifaceted. On one hand, there is a deep-seated dissatisfaction with Nitish Kumar’s policy decisions, particularly prohibition, which many feel has unfairly targeted their community. On the other hand, there is a broader discontent with his political inconsistency, which is seen as prioritizing personal power over the welfare of his constituents.
Nitish Kumar’s political journey has been marked by several alliances and realignments. Initially allied with the BJP, he later joined hands with the RJD and Congress to form the Mahagathbandhan (Grand Alliance) in 2015, only to switch back to the BJP in 2017. Each shift was justified as a strategic move for the greater good of Bihar, but for the Tharu community, it has created a sense of betrayal and unpredictability.
This election season, the discontent in Tharuhat could significantly impact the electoral outcomes. While Nitish Kumar has tried to showcase his development initiatives and governance reforms, the Tharu community’s disillusionment poses a challenge. The Tharu votes, spread across multiple constituencies in West Champaran, could be pivotal in deciding the fate of candidates in the region.
In conclusion, the Tharu tribe’s growing disenchantment with Nitish Kumar highlights the complexities of regional politics in Bihar. Despite significant development efforts, the community feels alienated due to prohibition policies and perceived political opportunism. As election day approaches, the Tharu community’s votes will be crucial in determining the political landscape of the region. Their choices will reflect not only their immediate concerns but also their long-term aspirations for stability and genuine representation.